Archive for category Godhead
Calvin and the Christological Councils – Why not the Council of 381?
Posted by Joel in Godhead, Reformation on November 3, 2010
Payton made the note that John Calvin, during his discussion on Christology left out the 2nd Ecumenical Council (p155). Payton writes,
…in the 1559 edition he explicitly endorsed the Christiological declarations of the first (Nicaea), third and forth (Ephesus and Chalcedon ecumenical councils.)
Of course, Calvin later endorses the Second Council, but not so explicitly as he did with the first, third and fourth in relation to Christology.
I found it also interesting that Calvin would end writing career with the reorganization of his Institutes along the lines of the Apostles’ Creed, the most simplistic, and ancient, creedal statement. Granted, I am not a Calvinist nor a Calvin Scholar, but I acknowledge the value of him and his contributions to Christianity. In looking at his Christology in light of the Councils, his ‘essentials’ play into my picture of what he isn’t saying.
1.13.29. Assuredly, whosoever will compare the writings of the ancient fathers with each other, will not find any thing in Irenaeus different from what is taught by those who come after him. Justin is one of the most ancient, and he agrees with us out and out. Let them object that, by him and others, the Father of Christ is called the one God. The same thing is taught by Hilary, who uses the still harsher expression, that Eternity is in the Father. Is it that he may withhold divine essence from the Son? His whole work is a defence of the doctrine which we maintain; and yet these men are not ashamed to produce some kind of mutilated excerpts for the purpose of persuading us that Hilary is a patron of their heresy. With regard to what they pretend as to Ignatius, if they would have it to be of the least importance, let them prove that the apostles enacted laws concerning Lent, and other corruptions. Nothing can be more nauseating, than the absurdities which have been published under the name of Ignatius; and therefore, the conduct of those who provide themselves with such masks for deception is the less entitled to toleration.
Clearly speaking about the longer letters of Ignatius, Calvin notes the invention of the Middle Ages of expanding statements to build Tradition. What is interesting is Calvin’s use of Justin and allowance of what the Martyr’s theology, which I find different from that of Calvin.
Moreover, the consent of the ancient fathers clearly appears from this, that in the Council of Nice, no attempt was made by Arius to cloak his heresy by the authority of any approved author; and no Greek or Latin writer apologises as dissenting from his predecessors. It cannot be necessary to observe how carefully Augustine, to whom all these miscreants are most violently opposed, examined all ancient writings, and how reverently he embraced the doctrine taught by them (August. lib. de Trinit. &c). He is most scrupulous in stating the grounds on which he is forced to differ from them, even in the minutest point. On this subject, too, if he finds any thing ambiguous or obscure in other writers, he does not disguise it.11 [10 110 Athanasuis expresses himself thus learnedly and piously:—“On this subject, though you cannot explain yourself, you are not therefore to distrust the Holy Scriptures. It is better, while hesitating through ignorance, to be silent and believe, than not to believe because you hesitate”] And he assumes it as an acknowledged fact, that the doctrine opposed by the Arians was received without dispute from the earliest antiquity. At the same time, he was not ignorant of what some others had previously taught. This is obvious from a single expression. When he says (De Doct. Christ. lib. 1). that “unity is in the Father,” will they pretend that he then forgot himself? In another passage, he clears away every such charge, when he calls the Father the beginning of the Godhead, as being from none—thus wisely inferring that the name of God is specially ascribed to the Father, because, unless the beginning were from him, the simple unity of essence could not be maintained. I hope the pious reader will admit that I have now disposed of all the calumnies by which Satan has hitherto attempted to pervert or obscure the pure doctrine of faith. The whole substance of the doctrine has, I trust, been faithfully expounded, if my readers will set bounds to their curiosity, and not long more eagerly than they ought for perplexing disputation. I did not undertake to satisfy those who delight in speculate views, but I have not designedly omitted any thing which I thought adverse to me. At the same time, studying the edification of the Church, I have thought it better not to touch on various topics, which could have yielded little profit, while they must have needlessly burdened and fatigued the reader. For instance, what avails it to discuss, as Lombard does at length (lib. 1 dist. 9), Whether or not the Father always generates? This idea of continual generation becomes an absurd fiction from the moment it is seen, that from eternity there were three persons in one God.
In reading this chapter of the book, I notice this as well –
Where names have not been invented rashly, we must beware lest we become chargeable with arrogance and rashness in rejecting them. I wish, indeed, that such names were buried, provided all would concur in the belief that the Father, Son, and Spirit, are one God, and yet that the Son is not the Father, nor the Spirit the Son, but that each has his peculiar subsistence. I am not so minutely precise as to fight furiously for mere words. For I observe, that the writers of the ancient Church, while they uniformly spoke with great reverence on these matters, neither agreed with each other, nor were always consistent with themselves. How strange the formula used by Councils, and defended by Hilary! How extravagant the view which Augustine sometimes takes! How unlike the Greeks are to the Latins! But let one example of variance suffice. The Latins, in translating ὁμοούσιος used consubstantialis (consubstantial), intimating that there was one substance of the Father and the Son, and thus using the word Substance for Essence. Hence Jerome, in his Letter to Damasus, says it is profane to affirm that there are three substances in God. But in Hilary you will find it said more than a hundred times that there are three substances in God. Then how greatly is Jerome perplexed with the word Hypostasis! He suspects some lurking poison, when it is said that there are three Hypostases in God. And he does not disguise his belief that the expression, though used in a pious sense, is improper; if, indeed, he was sincere in saying this, and did not rather designedly endeavour, by an unfounded calumny, to throw odium on the Eastern bishops whom he hated. He certainly shows little candour in asserting, that in all heathen schools οὐσία is equivalent to Hypostasis—an assertion completely refuted by trite and common use.
In 4.9, he writes,
Thus those ancient Councils of Nice, Constantinople, the first of Ephesus, Chalcedon, and the like, which were held for refuting errors, we willingly embrace, and reverence as sacred, in so far as relates to doctrines of faith, for they contain nothing but the pure and genuine interpretation of Scripture, which the holy Fathers with spiritual prudence adopted to crush the enemies of religion who had then arisen. In some later councils, also, we see displayed a true zeal for religion, and moreover unequivocal marks of genius, learning, and prudence.
And,
2.14.4. This observation, if the readers apply it properly, will be of no small use in solving a vast number of difficulties. For it is strange how the ignorant, nay, some who are not altogether without learning, are perplexed by these modes of expression which they see applied to Christ, without being properly adapted either to his divinity or his humanity, not considering their accordance with the character in which he was manifested as God and man, and with his office of Mediator. It is very easy to see how beautifully they accord with each other, provided they have a sober interpreter, one who examines these great mysteries with the reverence which is meet. But there is nothing which furious and frantic spirits cannot throw into confusion.25 [51 251 See August. in Enchir. ad Laurent. c. 36.] They fasten on the attributes of humanity to destroy his divinity; and, on the other hand, on those of his divinity to destroy his humanity: while those which, spoken conjointly of the two natures, apply to neither, they employ to destroy both. But what else is this than to contend that Christ is not man because he is God, not God because he is man, and neither God nor man because he is both at once. Christ, therefore, as God and man, possessing natures which are united, but not confused, we conclude that he is our Lord and the true Son of God, even according to his humanity, though not by means of his humanity. For we must put far from us the heresy of Nestorius, who, presuming to dissect rather than distinguish between the two natures, devised a double Christ. But we see the Scripture loudly protesting against this, when the name of the Son of God is given to him who is born of a Virgin, and the Virgin herself is called the mother of our Lord ( [Luke 1:32, 43] ). We must beware also of the insane fancy of Eutyches, lest, when we would demonstrate the unity of person, we destroy the two natures. The many passages we have already quoted, in which the divinity is distinguished from the humanity, and the many other passages existing throughout Scripture, may well stop the mouth of the most contentious. I will shortly add a few observations, which will still better dispose of this fiction. For the present, one passage will suffice—Christ would not have called his body a temple ( [John 2:19] ), had not the Godhead distinctly dwelt in it. Wherefore, as Nestorius had been justly condemned in the Council of Ephesus, so afterwards was Eutyches in those of Constantinople and Chalcedony, it being not more lawful to confound the two natures of Christ than to divide them.
It will no doubt take a while for me to wade through Calvin’s view on the Councils, especially since he seems to note them not always by their names, but more so by their actions and verbiage.
But, what about some of the more learned Calvinists out there – what is his reaction to the Second Council? Does he really mean to exclude it, or is this a misunderstanding by Payton?
Arianism’s picture of The Gentile Trinity and the Jewish Modalism
Intervarsity Press has done a great service to the Church by resurrecting for Protestant audiences the ancient writings of those passed on. One of these is the Incomplete Commentary on Matthew, written by an Arian, but filled with some substantial points about Christianity theology. Admittedly, the word ‘Arian’ may be off-putting to some, but the fact is, is that this commentary remained while so many of the other heretical works associated with Arius vanished. Why? Possible due to some of the deeper theological points found there.
While reading through this weighty book adored by Thomas Aquinas, I found the author’s view of the Trinity and Modalism, a theological war raging then and simmering now.
He writes in the forty-fifth homily, regarding Matthew 23.32, he assigns the Trinity to the Gentiles and Modalism to the Jews:
For whenever you see heretics saying that the three are equal in all respects, that they are of the same substance and the same authority, that all are without beginning but distinguishing the other two from themselves in some fashion, do not be astonished, for they are filling up the measure of their Gentile ancestors, because also they worshiped many gods in a similar fashion. When you see them saying that the three are one person and that God the Father, God the Son and God the Holy Spirit are the same person, do not be astonished, for they are filling up the measure of their ancestors, the Jews. So also they worship one God the Father and do not confess God the Son after the Father. (p358)
I find it interesting that during a time in which Chrysostom was preaching against the Jewish influence still found in the Church, and that Gregory of Nyssa was using a Jewish version of the afterlife in his writings, that this unknown author saw Modalism, or Oneness, beliefs as Jewish.
While I thank IVP for sending these books for review, I think them more for their great service in all of the Ancient Christian series which I believe is serving the Church in a return to the sources.
Scratchpad: Thoughts on Athanasius’ De Incarnatione Verbi Dei
Posted by Joel in Athanasius, Godhead on October 8, 2010

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The Fourth Century of Christianity is by far my personal favorite. This is part of the assignment this week, so I thought I might share a rough draft or so…
Athanasius’ Christology was, as it should be, focused on Christ, and with all of his effort in De Incarnatione Verbi Dei (c. 328[i]) pointed only to the teleological precept that Christ, the very Image of God, was incarnated for the express purpose to recreate the fallen human race. Further, by necessity, the Word of God must be fully divine, full deity, to accomplish this great feat. It was only through the creative force of God that recreation could occur (7.5). For the ancient writer, who no doubt was still reeling from the single most important event in the life of the Church (after Pentecost, of course), the matter of the Incarnation was no small thing as it is the very ‘faith of our religion’ (1.1). It is, simply, the sine qua non of the Christian Faith, which shows not only God’s love, righteousness and power, but so too presents us with a present hope as a matter of the New Creation. Throughout the treatise (indeed, this one and others), Athanasius appeals to Scripture, and much to the dismay of Protestants, makes use of the book of Wisdom (of Solomon) like other early writers before, and after him. There was simply no greater theologian considered orthodox in the fourth century than Athanasius who defended his bishop at Nicaea and for the rest of his life would defend his view of the Godhead.
Following Athenagoras and Irenaeus before him, Athanasius focuses heavily on Wisdom Christology[ii], and should not be read without the first few chapters of Wisdom and several passages of Proverbs[iii] in the mind of the reader; surely, they were in Athanasius’s mind. For our ancient writer, Christ was the Word, the Wisdom, and the Power of God as he used those terms frequently, mirroring Paul in 1st Corinthians 1.24 as well as those after the Apostle who would see Christ as the Wisdom of God, developing their theology on that attribute. Further, Athanasius would stand against Justin and the Arians in their insistence that the Incarnation was the last of a line of appearances of the Son[iv] (note Justin’s commentary on Genesis 19) in defending that Christ was the Incarnation, designed for a purpose, and that purpose was to finally restore humanity. Athanasius would write that his entire treatise was to make sure his reader, Macarius, would ‘neither fail to know the cause of the bodily appearing of the Word of the Father…’ but know that the Incarnation was for the expressed purpose of being ‘manifested to us in a human body for our salvation.’ (1.3) Robertson notes that this ‘manifestation’ language is Athanasius’ method of describing Christ as Mediator, without seeing Christ as a waiting third party, ready to intervene. Instead, Athanasius sees ‘God manifesting himself immediately through his Word in creation’[v] a radically different view than that of the Semi-Arianism of the Eusebian Party.
One interesting note, and while not clearly expressed it is alluded to, is that the present Christological debates had a meaning to Athanasius that went beyond the normal exercises of battling heresies. Following John’s purpose of the Apocalypse, Athanasius sees that the present Christological debates involve eschatological purposes of revealing more of who Christ is. In 1.2, Athanasius comments that ‘the more He (Christ) is mocked among the unbelieving, the more witness does He give of His own Godhead.’ With the persecutions stopped by order of the Roman Emperor, and the Church gaining a foothold into the Imperial Roman Government, for many, the Kingdom had come. Yet, not all of the eschatological promises, especially those of mature knowledge[vi] of Christ, were fulfilled. It is possible that Athanasius and his audience believed that the current climate was purposed in order that Christ might finally be revealed and a mature knowledge of Him held by all believers.
Other insights into Athanasius’s Christology are found in such instances as 3.4 when he notes that ‘Holy Writ also gives warning, saying in the Person of God’ and goes on to quote the Edenic warning. While Nicaea had passed, certain theological words might not have been succinctly defined, and yet, it is still interesting that Holy Writ, something later given to the Spirit although still the purview of Christ here(10.2 – in which Athanasius notes that it is Christ who inspires the writers), speaks in the Person of God. It is also noteworthy that Athanasius rarely referred to the Christ as the Son before the Incarnation, but generally maintained the distinction of Word/Pre-Incarnate and Son/Incarnate that his ally Marcellus of Ancyra would be chastised over. It is not until 15.4 that Athanasius would write that Christ ‘alone among men appeared Son of God.’ In the same chapter, Christ is still called the Word of God, but only before he takes a body. Upon the Incarnation, Christ then becomes the Son of God, although later in 47.3, Athanasius would write that ‘Christ alone has been recognized among men as the true God, the Word of God. Rarely does Athanasius use Son, and then, only in connection to the act of Incarnation. As Word, and then as Son, Christ would be the ‘very Image of God, our Lord Jesus Christ’ (13.4) which would allow humanity to be recreated ‘after the image of God’, which for Athanasius seems to be a distinction worth noting, although the ancient writer certainly believed in θείας[vii]. Finally, Athanasius, although not nearly as easily done as Ignatius of Antioch, calls Christ God, unqualifibly (19.3). For Athanasius, Christ is the Image of God, the Son and Wisdom and Power of God (19.2), following in a long tradition of other ancient, and orthodox, writers.
While removed by 30 years, Athanasius’ Christology, and his Trinity, is summed up easily in his letter to Serapion,
God is above all things as Father, for he is principle and source; he is through all things through the Word; and he is in all things in the Holy Spirit. – Athanasius’ first letter to Serapion (Ep. 1 ad Serapionem 28-30: PG 26, 594-95. 599) (c.360)
For Athanasius, then, had the Incarnated Word been anything less than God manifested in the flesh which the Arians decried, was to destroy all hope of Salvation.
[i] Although most scholars date it to this time, it may be that Athanasius was writing at a much later date than 326-328, perhaps as late at 337, the year in which a presbyter named Macarius (1.1) and several deacons traveled as deputies from the Eusebian Party to Rome to present the East’s case against Athanasius and Marcellus. (See Apol c. Arianos 22-24). It is possible that this letter was the response to Macarius which Athanasius sent, ultimately leading Macarius to feign illness and excuse himself from the case against Athanasius.
[ii] There is not the focus on the Logos Christology that we have in Justin and the other Alexandrines, although Athanasius sees the Word as Rational and thus imparting to the rational race, Reason. Athanasius, instead, focuses on Christ not as the organizing principle of the Logos but the divine creating attribute of Wisdom.
[iii] I would agree with several scholars who believe that the disputed passage which first caused Arius’ disruption was most likely Proverbs 8.
[iv] See the discussion on the Dyohypostatic Theology in Joseph T. Lienhard, S.J., Contra Marcellum Catholic University of America Press, Washington 1999, p38-42 as well as p63 in which Lienhard notes that for Athanasius, the decisive moment in human history was the Incarnation.
[v] Robertson, Jon M., Christ as Mediator, A Study of the Theologies of Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus of Ancyra, and Athanasius of Alexandra, 194-214, 2007.
[vi] Ephesians 4.13
[vii] See 54.3, De Incarnatione Verbi Dei; cf 2nd Peter 1.4
Related articles
- Was De Incarnatione Verbi Dei Athanasius’ defense in 337? (thechurchofjesuschrist.us)
- Scratch Pad Two: Arianism (thechurchofjesuschrist.us)
- Reflections: Ancient Christian Commentary – Apocrypha (1) (thechurchofjesuschrist.us)
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God as a Mother in the Bible
Posted by Joel in Gender Issues, Godhead on October 5, 2010

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Okay… first… this goes along with the post today. Second, I am not saying that ‘God is a girl’ by any means. Now, if you want to get embarrassed, ask yourself what make a man a man and a woman a woman? A mother that weans must have what? Do you really see God having these characteristics? Oh, is the language of the Divine the best that He could use to tell us of Himself? Have we engendered the Only True God in such a way that makes us embarrassed when we think of that it must necessary entail?
I use the Masculine when speaking of God because Scripture does. I use the Feminine when speaking of Wisdom and am neutral when it comes to the Spirit, but I have to wonder why so many actually get disturbed when they hear ‘he’ in reference to God? Think about for just a few minutes, blush a bit, and then go back to reading the Scripture sans our ‘enlightened’ understanding of the gender of the divine. When we focus on the gender of the Deity, we really should start to wonder what that must necessarily entail…
Hosea 11:3-4 God described as a mother
I myself taught Israel how to walk, leading him along by the hand. But he doesn’t know or even care that it was I who took care of him. I led Israel along with my ropes of kindness and love. I lifted the yoke from his neck, and I myself stooped to feed him.
Hosea 13:8 God described as a mother bear
Like a bear whose cubs have been taken away, I will tear out your heart. I will devour you like a hungry lioness and mangle you like a wild animal.
Deuteronomy 32:11-12 God described as a mother eagle
Like an eagle that rouses her chicks and hovers over her young, so he spread his wings to take them up and carried them safely on his pinions.
Deuteronomy 32:18 God who gives birth
You neglected the Rock who had fathered you; you forgot the God who had given you birth.
Isaiah 66:13 God as a comforting mother
I will comfort you there in Jerusalem as a mother comforts her child.”
Isaiah 49:15 God compared to a nursing mother
Never! Can a mother forget her nursing child? Can she feel no love for the child she has borne? But even if that were possible, I would not forget you!
Isaiah 42:14 God as a woman in labor
He will say, “I have long been silent; yes, I have restrained myself. But now, like a woman in labor, I will cry and groan and pant.
Psalm 131:2 God as a Mother
Instead, I have calmed and quieted myself, like a weaned child who no longer cries for its mother’s milk. Yes, like a weaned child is my soul within me.
There are other verses in which God in the Old Testament is portrayed motherly, as Christ is over Jerusalem. Yet, I doubt seriously thought that Christ was gender-bending when He spoke those words of motherly concern over Jerusalem.
I can see it now…
Thomas: ‘Guys, look, I was okay with Jesus thinking he was the Son of God, but this mother stuff? Oh come on…!’
Phillip: ‘Yeah, maybe I should have asked him to show me the mother!’
Peter: With a club, bashes heads because of the immaturity of his friends.
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The Substance of John Wesley’s Trinity
To be fair, this is not the whole of John Wesley’s view on the trinity, but I will only examine the 55th sermon in which Wesley comes close to what I have seen expressed in modern-day Methodist communions. (You can find the 55th Sermon here.)
Wesley begins by discussing the ‘absurd’ opinions of both the Calvinists and the Catholics while noting that even among those who hold such opinions, he can find ‘burning and shining lights.’ While both sets have their various opinions, which are wholly unWesleyan, John is not able to go the distance which many do today, and declare them all unChristian and hellbound. He even dismisses the idea of the need to hold to a set of fundamentals which was even quarreled over, however, he would rank among those core beliefs these words,
For there are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the Holy Ghost: and these three are one. (1st John 5:7 KJV)
While he doesn’t care much for explanations of the Trinity, even citing a contemporary which accuses those who attempt an explanation as hurting ‘the cause which they intended to promote.’ He is harsher, actually, on those who attempt to explain the Trinity than those who simply do not believe it, understanding the difference between the ‘substance of the doctrine there delivered’ and the ‘philosophical illustrations of it.’
Wesley shows the pastoral and very Christian role of caring little for proper words, which he admits aren’t biblically based. For him, Trinity and Person are the best words which he can use to describe his view of God. The only thing that he would insist on, at the very least, are those words found in the sacred text, which is where we run into problems with Wesley’s thought. His text is 1st John 5.7, or the Johannine Comma. It has been debated for centuries, on whether or not it belongs in the Sacred Text. Here, John gives three reasons, one of a logical fallacy, and two of erroneous history. His first, is that the great majority of texts include it, which is both wrong and against the science of textual criticism. While the majority of something may exist – it doesn’t – that doesn’t solidify the argument being made. His second point is that it was quoted from the time of ‘St. John to that of Constantine.’ Hardly, as there is no evidence of a direct quotation except by a Spanish heretic, and the fact that it is a quotation and not gloss is only circumstantial. His final point is that it was Constantine’s successor, ‘an Arian’, who may have squashed it. It would be difficult for Wesley, if this verse was a later addition, to continue with the idea that 1st John 5.7′s statement stand as the substance of the statements delivered about the Godhead.
He moves on, however, debating an opponent who insists on no mysteries, relying only on the senses to explain the reality around him. No doubt, this is the plight of the Unitarian at the time, in that he viewed all of creation and theology through the lens of the science. Wesley masterfully shows that not all things have to be understood to be believed. As a matter of fact, Wesley notes, one doesn’t have to believe in the mysteries found in the text at all, just in the manner – just the plain fact. No one, he says, has to believe the mystery of how light came to be at the First, just that God said ‘Let their be light.’ The same is said about John 1.14. Believe the text is John’s message, not the mystery nor post-biblical developed philosophies, although for him, they are believable as well. For him, still relying on 1st John 5.7, he believes the fact that ‘God is Three and One’ (emphasis mine). He goes on to state that he believes just what God has revealed, and not what is not revealed. He has no concern for speculation and philosophy, not in determining how something is, but simply residing in the fact that it is.
For him, it is ‘vital religion’ to see the Three as One. Why? Because, as we draws an illustration of Socinus, the Son must be honored the same as the Father, and how could they not be the same God? He does admit, however, that he doesn’t understand how one can be a Christian until he recognizes the interplay of the Three. He goes on to recognize, as Tertullian did, that most Christians do not believe in the great theological boundaries of the Trinity, but encourages a few questions to be asked to settle the matter that they believe that the Three are One. Further, he doesn’t question their salvation (unless they are Heathens) but that they come to the ‘knowledge of the truth.’
Wesley would not qualify as a Christian Theology among many that I have met today because he doesn’t force upon others a strict set of theological phrases, but allows for salvation outside of those things. Instead, Wesley sees how he believes and understand why others wouldn’t. He has no problem using biblical language – although he finds Trinity and Person his choice words – as long a they remain textual. He does, however, base this textual choice on a faulty foundation. Perhaps the allowance for Christians to grow together, regardless of theological knowledge, understandings, and phrases, helped to further the Methodist vision, not only in the well schooled England, but in the backwoods of the New World.
The Korean Methodist Creed
In discussing Methodist theology with my wife, we were talking about the nature of the Godhead and how the Methodists (more specifically, the United Methodists) might view non-Trinitarians. This subject came up because we were discussing the theological diversity found in the Methodist church, especially since I have ran into a self-pronounced Oneness-Methodist.
Beyond that, though, is the various Methodist creeds, namely that of the Korean Methodist,
We believe in the one God,
creator and sustainer of all things, Father of all nations,
the source of all goodness and beauty, all truth and love.We believe in Jesus Christ,
God manifest in the flesh,
our teacher, example, and Redeemer, the Savior of the world.We believe in the Holy Spirit,
God present with us for guidance, for comfort, and for strength.
We believe in the forgiveness of sins,
in the life of love and prayer,
and in grace equal to every need.We believe in the Word of God
contained in the Old and New Testaments
as the sufficient rule both of faith and of practice.We believe in the church,
those who are united in the living Lord
for the purpose of worship and service.We believe in the reign of God
as the divine will realized in human society,
and in the family of God,
where we are all brothers and sisters.We believe in the final triumph of righteousness
and in the life everlasting.
Amen.
You can find a listing of those creeds here.
Are Western Trinitarians Heretics?
This is an interesting conversation which Scott McKnight is developing. He writes:
Most of Western evangelicals are functionally heretical. Most have a rhetoric for theology that has little room for the Trinity. Christ is God — and this gives them grounds for a satisfaction theory of atonement. But a genuine Trinitarian framing of theology is mostly gone.
He quotes from a book he is dialoguing with:
“many evangelical and conservative believers tend toward biblicism in their approach to doctrine, and thus they feel uncomfortable with the metaphysical language of the traditional creeds” (104).
“everything God does is from the Father, through the Son, and in the Spirit. And every Christian response to God occurs in the Spirit, through the Son, and in the Spirit” (105).
“Western theology from the Middle Ages onward gives the impression that the doctrine of the Trinity, though true and important, could be left out without major revisions in the rest of the doctrine of God” (106).
The author, and Scott agrees, believes that the root of the problem lies in the Western focus on the ‘oneness and essence of God.’ The East, in my opinion, has always, since the days of Origen and Eusebius, focused on the separate of the Essence, while the West since Athanasius, the various Bishops of Rome, and Marcellus, focused on the unity of the Godhead. Is this a ‘loss’ or a different viewpoint? And why is biblicism a bad thing? I know that the Creeds have their place, but is a return to ‘biblicism’ a bad thing? Or should all creeds and councils be accepted – which they are not, even among various branches of Christendom.








