Archive for category Mark

Mark’s Line in the Sand to Vespasian

This idea has stayed with me for a while, ever since reading Adam Winn’s book, The Purpose of Mark’s Gospel, in which he postulates that Mark’s Gospel was written in such away as to counter Vespasian’s claim to the Messiahship of Israel. In part of his work, he attributes Mark’s introduction to the notion that Mark was setting up Christ as the very thing that Vespasian claimed for himself, that Christ was to be seen as the true object while Vespasian the pretender. (I’m sure that this went over well with the Roman cult). Winn does make a convincing argument about the political overtones of Mark’s telling of the story of Christ, but he while he connects ‘Son of God’ in the first verse and other miracles found throughout the work as challenges to Vespasian, I believe that he misses out on Mark’s opening line,

Ἀρχὴ τοῦ εὐαγγελίου

‘Gospel’ is used infrequently in Matthew and Luke and never in John, and where the synoptics use it, they generally are found among the ‘shared’ material. But, Mark is alone in starting his treatise by announcing that his work is a Gospel about Christ. This Gospel, the Gospel of the Kingdom, is about the Messiah, the Son of God, things which Vespasian claimed that he was. But, it is εὐαγγελίου which interests me.

According to the Mercer Dictionary of the Bible, during Greco-Roman times, εὐαγγελίου was

used originally with reference to victory in battle. It was employed in two connections: (I) to designate the actual good news of victory and its conse­quent deliverance, and (2) to designate a reward that was given to the messenger who delivered the good news after the announcement had been verified. For the adher­ents of the imperial cult the term acquired religious con­notations as it was employed in reference to the birth, power, and pronouncements of the emperor-god.

It would seem then, if Winn is correct that ‘Son of God’ and ‘Christ’ is presented first as a witness against the Roman usurper, I would believe that εὐαγγελίου stands as well as a monument for the victory which Christ won, one in which not even Vespasian could mimic. Mark is stating that regardless of what Vespasian has accomplished or even promises to accomplish, Christ has already issued His own victory declaration.

Just a thought.

 

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Philip G. Davis on The Narrative Shape of Mark

Larry Hurtado brings up a view espoused by Philip G. Davis concerning Mark’s overall narrative:

“Indeed, it is striking that many of the most notable Markan ‘omissions’ involve matters which are not susceptible of imitation, including the virginal conception and the pre-eschatological resurrection. Mark’s whole story of Jesus can be read as a blueprint for the Christian life: It begins with baptism, proceeds with the vigorous pursuit of ministry in the face of temptation and opposition, and culminates in suffering and death oriented towards an as-yet unseen vindication.” (p. 109)

via The Narrative Shape of Mark « Larry Hurtado’s Blog.

Interesting indeed, but I note that BW3 sees the ending of Mark as ‘lost’ since it doesn’t serve the overall storytelling techniques of the time. I wonder if BW3 is right, then does this take away from Davis’ thesis? I would be interested in seeing other examples of narratives/biographies of the period styled like as this (as Davis says Mark may be).

And while we are on the topic, Bauckham has a video (HT) about the Gospels as eyewitness accounts,

 

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Fragments of Mark at Qumran

Well, hardly. Find a response here:

Fragments of Mark at Qumran.

 

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Mark 9.43-50 – Textual Variants, Hell and Salt

This was brought up last week, and I thought we might explore it a bit more. One of the passages used to secure a doctrine of eternal torment is Mark 9.43-50, which is not repeated in any of the other Gospels. That’s doesn’t diminish the importance of the post, but it does require a bit more study since we don’t have a point of comparison.

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Review: The Purpose of Mark’s Gospel: An Early Christian Response to Roman Imperial Propaganda

I would like to thank Mohr Siebeck for this review copy:

Click to Order

Over the past decade, the field of criticism which examines the quest for the Historical Jesus has see a large body of work beginning to be developed which focuses on the New Testament in light of Roman Imperial context. Adam Winn argues that Mark’s Gospel was written as a defense against Roman Imperial propaganda. He takes a conservative view on ‘faith’ as a commitment, which shows the contrast between the commitment to Christ and to Caesar for the Christian. While he takes his time establishing this motif, he is well supported.

In his first chapter, he takes apart, nicely, the prevailing theories of the Markan purpose. While Winn maintains a connection to the theory that Mark was ‘simply’… ‘preserving history, he gives the reasons why previous theories of interpretation of Mark’s purpose generally fall flat. From the outset, he betrays his bias of Mark’s Christology. For him, Mark has a clear Christology, and is only slightly offering corrective measure. Further, he defends the point that Mark was written to the Christian community and builds his case on the socio-political forces which assailed the community; however, in doing so, he dismisses Horsely’s anti-imperial economic agenda while excepting other points. He notes that Horsely correctly sees Mark in a more political light than modern Western readers, but accuses of going to the extreme to suppress any religious attachment of the author of the Gospel.

In chapter 2 Winn explains his method in preparation for his argument. He takes a great deal of time, needful, for this final conclusion, in handling Mark’s date and location of writing. The author makes great use of early Christian tradition, citing the early Church writers, such as Papias, Irenaeus, and Clement of Alexandria. While Winn is comfortable using Christian Tradition to both date and place Mark’s Gospel, he simply refuses to use the same source for Mark’s intent, which is to record Peter’s preaching. He deals masterfully, giving full respect, to the first interpreters of Mark’s Gospel, allowing them to be becoming the starting point for both the date and the location.

The Author concludes that the dating of Mark is post-Temple. While not expressly denying that Christ gave the Temple prophecy, Winn concludes that Mark’s inclusion is post factum, and thus points to a post 70 date for Mark’s composition. His belief is that Mark wouldn’t risk the credibility of his writing by including a yet unfulfilled prophecy, yet, he doesn’t answer the same about the inclusion of prophecies related to the Parousia in this argument. In examining the setting of Mark’s community, he uses the same method – with due examination of several opinions, their high points and low points, and a slow building to the author’s conclusions. He conclusions are based on history, logic, and more than enough evidence to support his decision.

The third chapter finds Winn beginning to move into his premise a bit more. After examining ‘Son of God’ and ‘Christ’ in the incipit, he deduces that Mark’s beginning points to ‘the world of Jewish messianic hope’ which is brought together in Christ ‘with the Roman imperial cult.’ Touching on this subject as he moves into Mark’s Christology, he notes against that Mark’s use of ‘Son of God’ indicates more than just Jewish thought, but should be seen in light of the Imperial Roman world as well. He spends a considerable portion of this chapter exploring Mark’s Christology, especially in light of several theories which place Mark within the imperial framework.

He ends the chapter discussing discipleship and eschatology in Mark. His section on discipleship is brief, well done, but simply is too short to had to his overarching premising, leaving the reader to wonder if perhaps he or she has missed something. His section on eschatology, while brief, builds upon what he has already written; however, in its brevity, he makes several key points which aren’t fully discussed. He sees Mark’s eschatology as something yet undefined, and allowing that Mark’s writing style allows for an open-ended eschatology. Winn notes, ‘This eschatological instruction can be read as a pastoral response to the eschatological anxiety and confusion facing’ Mark’s community. To calm the fears that the world was about to end, Mark writes of the abomination of desolation as the final sign, not the destruction of the Temple. Winn concludes that because of Mark’s vagueness, it allowed eschatological tempers to subside.

In chapter four, he examines the imperial cult of Vespasian’s Rome, ending with Mark’s Sitz im Leben. This is the chapter which takes everything that the author has examined so far and places it within the historical context so that in the final chapter, Winn can firmly establish his interpretation of Mark. Winn’s conclusions of Mark’s Sitz im Leben rests solely – whether author sees it or not – on the date. Granted, the situation of Mark’s community may help feed the dating of the Gospel; however, if Mark is later found to have been written earlier than the author’s proposed, and needed, date, than his theory falls. The good thing, though, is that the author realizes that for his theory to work, his shaky foundation must remain consistent.

Winn has provide a large bibliography, excellent footnotes, and an index of sources, Scriptural and otherwise.

Reviewer’s Comments

Winn has masterfully presented a ‘purpose’ for Mark that is relevant to the early Christian communities in the date and time it would have been composed. If Winn was to scale down his use of Mark’s unique features to support his overall hypothesis, one could easily see that Mark used the early Christian tradition about Jesus of Nazareth to defend the community against Imperial propaganda in a time when the community was weak.

As he does several times, Winn refuses to take one settled answer, and instead casts the result of the argument for which he just made in the light of another, sometimes with facts in conflict. The reader must then follow Winn’s excellent bibliography for other facts and is free to come to their own conclusions.

Winn has made a great effort to secure his thesis, but to what cost? But turning Mark’s gospel into a complete rebuttal of Roman Imperial Propaganda, the author has removed any hope of finding the historical Jesus, or any hope of finding anything historical, in the Gospel, denying any of the theologies that could be found therein. If taken completely, Winn falls into the same trap as Horsley (see above), in that Mark takes on a political attachment rather than a religious one. When he comes to one undeniable theology – that of the world-wide mission to spread the gospel – he gives in to the redactors, which he rarely does in other areas. If the entire theory is to be accepted, Mark would then have created a fictional Jesus, perhaps based roughly on one Jesus of Nazareth. If the argument of Markan priority rings true, then neither Matthew nor Luke has any hope of providing the historical Jesus. His connectivity of Mark’s features to the fantasy of Vespasian is well done, except for the periscopes about the fishes and the loaves. Here, he takes a blind leap of faith to unite the two and does so on very shaky ground.

To his credit, however, he does give absent objectors to his conclusions notice, acknowledging the inconsistencies with his view and the biblical account, rather, the question raised by a post factum inclusion.

Joel L. Watts

 

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Prologues to the Gospels – Mark

We are examining two prologues – Anti-Marcionite and the Monarchian. Most agree that an early date, c200 for the Anti-Marconite Prologues while the latter has a date which ranges from 200-400. We will be using Ben C. Smith’s translation.

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A New Translation: Mark 3

As a reminder, I have attempted to use the present tense, when applicable, throughout the translation, feeling that it falls in line with Tradition which states that Mark copied Peter’s preaching.

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